Clarifying the succession     
 Time.    25/07/1969.  Página: 35,38. Páginas: 2. Párrafos: 4. 


Clarifying the Succession

For years, Spain´s favorito guessing game has centered on one question: Who

would succeed

Generalissimo Francisco Franco? Since Franco, "Caudillo of Spain by the grace Of

God," had pledged to restore a constitutional monarchy, the choice centered on

the two surviving male members of Spain´s longdeposed royal family. Would it be

the Pretender, Don Juan de Borbón y Battenberg, 56, son of Spain´s last King,

Alfonso XIII, who dwells in self-imposed exile in Portugal? Or would it be bis

son, Prince Juan Carlos de Borbón y Borbón, 31, a sports-loving young man who

has been educated ín Spain and lives there now? Last week the Caudillo moved to

bring the guessing to an end by calling for a special session of the Cortes, at

which he intends to announce his choice. There is no doubt that it will be

Prince Juan Carlos.

Only Instrument. The odds have all along been with the Prince. Franco´s

relations with Don Juan are cool: the Caudillo has never forgiven the Pretender

for a 1945 statement that disapproved of Franco´s policies.

Don Juan has been considerably less critical since then, but has kept in cióse

touch with opposition circles in Spain from his court-in-exile at the Villa

Giralda in the Portuguese coastal resort of Estoril. Many Spaniards consider Don

Juan a modérate, even a liberal, who as constitutional monarch would probably

not go along with many authoritarian practices of the Franco era.

By contrast, his son, Prince Juan Carlos, is considered more tractable. Franco

has already carefully groomed him: the Prince holds commissions from the three

Spanish service academies, has spent considerable time studying government

firsthand in Madrid ministries, uves in a palace cióse to Franco´s, and often

spends his time with the Caudillo. Moreover, the Prince is quiet and relatively

withdrawn; many of his countrymen regard him with more curiosity than


Originally, Juan Carlos insisted that he would never accept the throne as long

as his father was alive. But last January, in an interview with Spain´s official

news agency, he remarked that he had come to lean toward "political legality."

The Prince meant he accepted the view that Franco was empowered under the

present constitutional frame- work to restore whomever he wished to Spain´s

throne. Until then, the Prince had shared his father´s belief that "dynastic

legality" musí be maintained and that the Borbón une must not be interrupted.

Commenting on the likelihood of Juan Carlos´ elevation this week, Monarchist

Mariano Robles, a lawyer and opponent of the Franco regime, declared: "It is

suicide for the monarchy. It is the beginning of the end. A dictator cannot ñame

a King. A King must succeed according to dynastic law.

Otherwise it is not a monarchy, it is just a political game."

Cancel ed Cruise. Don Juan´s followers would heartily agree with that. Word of

the impending Franco announcement reached the Pretender just as he was about to

leave on a Mediterranean vacation cruise. It was canceled ímmediaíely. "This

operation is being carried out without taking me into account, or the free will

of the Spanish people," Don Juan said in a statement. "I am therefore a

spectator to the decisions which will be taken on this matter, and I hold no

responsibility in this restoration." There was no mention of abdication. Said

one of his court officials: "Don Juan will not abdícate unless he is convinced

that this is the only way to save the monarchy." That could set the stage for a

showdown between father and son after Franco, now 76, steps down or dies.


Seeking Unity—Slowly They were all there, those aging statesmen who years ago

committed their dreams to the ideal of European unity. Jean Moanet, 80, ;the

father of the Common Market," last week convened a session of his nonofficial

Action Committee for a United States of Europe in Brussels. Former Common Market

President Walter Hallstein was there, along with veteran French Politicians

Antoine Pinay and Maurice Faure and dozens of other ranking European statesmen.

Together, they constitute a sort of European shadow government. They had come to

Brussels in an attempt to spur Common Market bureaucrats and íhe respective

ministers of the Six (Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands and

West Germany) to start immediate negotiations to admit Britain to the economic


Even as Monnet and his supporters issued ringing calis for unity during their

session in the Charlemagne Building, over at the new Common Market headquarters

began the first ministerial meetings since the dethronement of Charles de

Gaulle. Would the oíd obstacles of yesteryear suddenly melt away? Hardly. The

six agriculture ministers started what seemed likely to turn into a marathón

discussion of the Common Market´s costly f arm-support issue. They got bogged

down in disputes about a unified support price for buíter and beef.

The finance and economics ministres of the Six did somewhat better. After

considering proposals from the Common Market´s Executive Commission for joint

economic planning and budgetary discipline to deal with overheated European

economies, the ministers agreed —in principie—to set up a unified monetary

mechanism. The details would have to be worked out later. Nevertheless, France´s

Finance Minister Valéry Giscard d´Estaing and West Germany´s Economics Minister

Karl Schiller called the agreement an important step. Giscard added, perhaps too

optimistically, that it was "the flrsí time we have monetary solidarity among

íhe Six."

This week it will be the foreign ministers´ turn to meet in Brussels. The

overriding issue will be the question of British enlry into the Common Market.

The rest of the Six concur with Monnet´s proposal for immediate preparations.

But French President Georges Pompidou first wants to hold a surnmit of the Six.

perhaps in October, before sitting down with Britain. The French view is likely

to prevail.

So far, the main threat to Britain´s application seems to be the British

themselves. While Monnet was speaking at a press conference in Brussels about

the desirabih´ty of European political f ederation, former British Prime

Minister Sir Alee Douglas-Home glanced up from a crossword puzzle and told

newsmen that "we British are a practica! people. We want to confront a situation

first before we íhink abouí seíting up an institution to handle it." During the

same session, British Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart said that plans for a

European Parliament were "premature." Such statemenís made many Europeans wonder

whether the British are wüling to sacrifice some of their own sovereignty for a

united Europe. Dutch Foreign Minister Joseph Luns, a strong supporter of

Britain´s entry, last week warned that if they wanted only to particípate in a

loóse economic unión, "then the British will not become members."

Progress ín the North. Meanwhile, in Copenhagen, the Scandinavians were making

substantial progress toward creating their own economic aüiance. After two weeks

of final and freneíic discussions, represeníatives of Norway, Denmark, Sweden

and Finland emerged with a detailed blueprint for a Nordic Economic Community,

dubbed Nordek. The draft agreement must still be ratified by the respective

Scandinavian parliaments, and there were still difficult compromises to be

worked out —notably on dairy producís, meat and fisheries. Even so, the

consensus was that surprisingly good progress had been made.

Targeted by its drafters to go into operation Jan. 1, 1971, Nordek would unify

the Scandinavian economies if the road to Brussels should still be blocked. Or,

if membership negotiations were under way, it could serve as their joint

bargaining agent with the Common Market for a better deal.

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